Month: May 2012

To these social movements and actors compose who them it fits the paper to legitimize to the exercise of the citizenship and the practical one of the democracy. In the vision of the State, the social organizations are private partners of public ends with the perspective of the possibility of popular participation in the Public administration. The Reformation of the State in Brazil, appeared of some critical analyses regarding the functioning of the administrative machine, aiming at to guarantee to the citizens the basic rights. However, great part of the Brazilian population lives to the edge of the public politics and it did not have or it does not have access to the health and education of quality, although to have these rights guaranteed in the Constitution of the Brazilian Republic being determined them as duties of the State stop with the citizen. To analyze the Reformation of the State in its paper in the Brazilian social formation of if taking in consideration to the partner-economic transformations and the relations of the State with the relevance of the democracy. To think the Reformation of the State it is necessary that if it reflects on public politics, therefore if contemporary without the presence of the State and the politics applied for it in the treatment of the social differences cannot think about society. The organizacional function of the debate around its proper reform fits to the State and in the application of the attributed laws it so that the made organization either, the conflicts are mediated, the power of the assured market either and the State guarantees the legitimacy of its performance. According to Diniz, (1996), it is impossible to inside think a reform of the State of the limits of the bureaucracy. In accordance with its thought the subject of the democracy must be permanently present for not losing itself of sight that the State is a set of disposals where it must take in consideration the expectations of the citizens.

In, already meanwhile determined in its choice finally in day 4 of January, president Ernesto Geisel criticizes the report and reaffirms its choice before general Hugo Abreu. But this, in turn, extends its critical to the group pr-Figueiredo, where it nominally cites the Golberi minister of the Couto and Silva and Heitor secretaries Ferreira and Humberto Barreto and asked for resignation of the Military Cabinet, being substituted for general Gustavo de Morais I water. In the following day, president Geisel finally legalizes the indication of the plate Figueiredo-Aureliano Joo Keys, affirming that she searchs capable people of ' ' to take ahead the institutionalization process and to eliminate the effective emergency laws in pas' ' defining ' ' the trajectory of that the revolution would follow daqui for diante' '. Sufficiently worried in consolidating the chosen indication of its, Figueiredo Joo, president Ernesto Geisel had that to use all its authority so that the High Command of the Army included the name of it in first place in the general-of-division list that could receive fourth star in March of 1978, condition important to increase the military endorsement of the candidate, who occupied at this time the fifth place in the normal order of promotions to the maximum rank of the hierarchy. Leaving victorious for six votes against four, president Geisel finally promoted Figueiredo the general-of-army in 31 of March, date of 14 anniversary of the movement 1964 politician-military man, neglecting at the same time general Hugo Abreu, second in the normal order foreseen by the Register of the Army. At the same time where it obtained to nominate Figueiredo general-of-army, in the field politician, the government answered to this set of pressures with the sending the National Congress, in June, of a package of measures that they searched to inside guarantee the continuation of the politics of opening of the limits defined for the proper military regimen.

After all: (c.1) the Coreia of the north has borders with Russia and China, its traditional allies, but, in the current days, over all of U.S.A., as much that serve of mediators to the dialogue; (c.2) its next enemies are, therefore, the Coreia of the south and Japan, two countries shielded under the nuclear armory of U.S.A. Therefore, exactly in case of a new armed conflict the Corias on account of the recurrent aggressions of Kim Jong-Il to the South enters – that they only serve to strengthen the fear of that it also would be capable to use nuclear weapons – the North would never make use of its few atomic bombs against who wants that is, therefore such attitude would the same cause a reaction of U.S.A. with type of armament and in very superior scale. It would be the complete destruction of the family Kim. He would have, yes, a new conventional war, with U.S.A. again fighting to the side of the South, or, what it is more improbable, of Japan.

Kim Jong-Il, in such a way, does not represent any atomic threat to the territory of U.S.A. or another great power, even though because its bombs cannot be converted into ogives to be installed in the advantages of its missiles Taepodong 1 and 2. It does not go to provoke a nuclear apocalypse because it fears the death and it knows to play the delicate chess of the international relations. Its bluffs are malignantly brilliant. The Ocidente only is that it does not perceive.