It is the questioning: ‘ ‘ Who guard the guard? ‘ ‘ If the Democratic State of Right was implanted in Brazil and confirmed by our Federal Constitution of 1988, why still nowadays, passed almost 22 years, our policy still if valley of ‘ ‘ liberdades’ ‘ of the Dictatorship to act of truculenta form? Why our structure of public security still is arraigada to the right breaking to use the execution of the law? It would not be against-sense if to be valid the breaking of the right to guarantee the application of the law? Paula Poncione, in its studies on the policy in the State of Rio De Janeiro, points the lack of changes in the structure of professional formation of this institution as one of the causes and also cites the resistance of these professionals to the adjustment of its action in compliance with respect to the Human Rights. Being a lack no longer formative process of the professional, the guilt falls again on the Government of the State, that has not developed efficient actions for the change of constitutional paradigm of the paper of the policy. we society? Why we witness such acts and, despite let us disapprove, we keep in them been silent? We remain ourselves been silent because we have fear of this policy that would have in them to cause pride and sensation of security. The police structure is not this that we want! We want the structure of described policy in the Federal Constitution of 1988! The police structure that if establishes for the maintenance of the order and in defense of the citizen, with unrestricted respect to the Human Rights. What it lacks so that it is accomplished? Not to fight so that such changes happen is to accept the form desrespeitosa with that the police action comes if giving and to legitimize the violence. It thinks about this. Not to fight for a policy citizen is to authorize it to disrespect it our constitucional laws. I am Joo Hisses, Bachelor in Social Service.
He will be that all the politicians who we choose are corrupt? He does not have nobody with moral stops representing in them? He corrupted who them he demoralized and them? He will be that we do not know some corruptor in the social groups? We do not know of somebody in the family, in school, in the institution and entities of classroom, companies, public and private organizations that manage the action of corruptores? 2. Corruption X Moral and Ethics Understanding ' Ethics as a set of beliefs and values that serve as sustentation of the behavior that if it adopts throughout the life, in the search of the objectives that it persegue'. (FIPECAFI, 1997, P. 22), and also considering that the professional Ethics are the foundation for the exercise of a full and worthy citizenship, it can be related the lack of this fulfilment of the citizen task is a serious signal of corruption and first step to lack with the ethics harming the right of the others and compromising the social moral. When dealing with corruption and its relation with the social moral and the known ethics, we would have to associate that somebody in some social group is not fulfilling its task of citizen: father, mother, son, son, professor, teacher, director, director and the administrators of public and private organizations, as well as all the profisisonais. A professional he perceives, inside of itself exactly what he will have to make so that the task if he plays in the best possible way, and if he does not obtain to perceive, is because not yet he is apt to be a professional. (S, 2001, p.177). In such a way, I defend the thesis of that to attribute to the existence of the corruption to the representatives politicians becomes a position very cmoda. the same that to remove the house garbage and to play in the wall of the neighbor, demanding despite this if makes responsible for what you consumed.
(Transcription of the original article of this exactly author, published in blog ' ' It debates, It unmasks and It divulges! ' ')Unhappyly, it does not fit in a short space of one ' ' post' ' of blog, to explain the norms that conduct the functioning of the National Congress and the Brazilian legislative process, in federal level. This would demand an assay deep, carried through by specialized jurists and ' ' scientists polticos' ' that was, at the same time, apartidrios and only interested in clarifying the meandros of the subject for that they wanted to understand, not only as it functions, but as if make ' ' negociaes' ' in the embroidery frames of the two Houses of the Congress, before or during the votings that will go to transform a project into law. But somebody, independently to have or not authority in the subject and of being or not specialist, needs and has the right to emit its personal opinion, is or not correct, only partially correct or exactly total maken a mistake. What not if it can is not to bring the subject to baila. A related site: BSA mentions similar findings. All know of the scandals politicians and impunity that grassam, have years, in the National Congress. Some of them come the public; others, at least are discovered. of that if they become public, we see that the responsible ones, protected for ' ' immunity parlamentar' ' , privileged forums and for the internal regulations of the houses, rarissimamente are punished e, in many cases, nor arrive to be judgeships, therefore the processes are filed, prescribing for ' ' continuation of prazo' ' in the STF, agency (in) competent to judge them and that, casuisticamente, if it submits to the Executive. When administrative irregularities exist, as the improper use of indenizatrias mounts of money and daily or same the cases corruption instants, the maximum that happens are processes for ' ' honor in addition paralamentar' ' of which them unharmed parliamentarians escape e, the few who do not obtain, ask for the removal of the position, to prevent more serious punishments, decurrent of a judgment.
To these social movements and actors compose who them it fits the paper to legitimize to the exercise of the citizenship and the practical one of the democracy. In the vision of the State, the social organizations are private partners of public ends with the perspective of the possibility of popular participation in the Public administration. The Reformation of the State in Brazil, appeared of some critical analyses regarding the functioning of the administrative machine, aiming at to guarantee to the citizens the basic rights. However, great part of the Brazilian population lives to the edge of the public politics and it did not have or it does not have access to the health and education of quality, although to have these rights guaranteed in the Constitution of the Brazilian Republic being determined them as duties of the State stop with the citizen. To analyze the Reformation of the State in its paper in the Brazilian social formation of if taking in consideration to the partner-economic transformations and the relations of the State with the relevance of the democracy. To think the Reformation of the State it is necessary that if it reflects on public politics, therefore if contemporary without the presence of the State and the politics applied for it in the treatment of the social differences cannot think about society. The organizacional function of the debate around its proper reform fits to the State and in the application of the attributed laws it so that the made organization either, the conflicts are mediated, the power of the assured market either and the State guarantees the legitimacy of its performance. According to Diniz, (1996), it is impossible to inside think a reform of the State of the limits of the bureaucracy. In accordance with its thought the subject of the democracy must be permanently present for not losing itself of sight that the State is a set of disposals where it must take in consideration the expectations of the citizens.
In, already meanwhile determined in its choice finally in day 4 of January, president Ernesto Geisel criticizes the report and reaffirms its choice before general Hugo Abreu. But this, in turn, extends its critical to the group pr-Figueiredo, where it nominally cites the Golberi minister of the Couto and Silva and Heitor secretaries Ferreira and Humberto Barreto and asked for resignation of the Military Cabinet, being substituted for general Gustavo de Morais I water. In the following day, president Geisel finally legalizes the indication of the plate Figueiredo-Aureliano Joo Keys, affirming that she searchs capable people of ' ' to take ahead the institutionalization process and to eliminate the effective emergency laws in pas' ' defining ' ' the trajectory of that the revolution would follow daqui for diante' '. Sufficiently worried in consolidating the chosen indication of its, Figueiredo Joo, president Ernesto Geisel had that to use all its authority so that the High Command of the Army included the name of it in first place in the general-of-division list that could receive fourth star in March of 1978, condition important to increase the military endorsement of the candidate, who occupied at this time the fifth place in the normal order of promotions to the maximum rank of the hierarchy. Leaving victorious for six votes against four, president Geisel finally promoted Figueiredo the general-of-army in 31 of March, date of 14 anniversary of the movement 1964 politician-military man, neglecting at the same time general Hugo Abreu, second in the normal order foreseen by the Register of the Army. At the same time where it obtained to nominate Figueiredo general-of-army, in the field politician, the government answered to this set of pressures with the sending the National Congress, in June, of a package of measures that they searched to inside guarantee the continuation of the politics of opening of the limits defined for the proper military regimen.
After all: (c.1) the Coreia of the north has borders with Russia and China, its traditional allies, but, in the current days, over all of U.S.A., as much that serve of mediators to the dialogue; (c.2) its next enemies are, therefore, the Coreia of the south and Japan, two countries shielded under the nuclear armory of U.S.A. Therefore, exactly in case of a new armed conflict the Corias on account of the recurrent aggressions of Kim Jong-Il to the South enters – that they only serve to strengthen the fear of that it also would be capable to use nuclear weapons – the North would never make use of its few atomic bombs against who wants that is, therefore such attitude would the same cause a reaction of U.S.A. with type of armament and in very superior scale. It would be the complete destruction of the family Kim. He would have, yes, a new conventional war, with U.S.A. again fighting to the side of the South, or, what it is more improbable, of Japan.
Kim Jong-Il, in such a way, does not represent any atomic threat to the territory of U.S.A. or another great power, even though because its bombs cannot be converted into ogives to be installed in the advantages of its missiles Taepodong 1 and 2. It does not go to provoke a nuclear apocalypse because it fears the death and it knows to play the delicate chess of the international relations. Its bluffs are malignantly brilliant. The Ocidente only is that it does not perceive.